In chapter 2, Vicente Diaz analyzes the authenticity of
hagriographic sources pertaining to San Vitores that attempt to tell the heroic
narrative of his life. According to Diaz, these stories are romanticized in a
sense to provide a providential epic tale as it is the criteria for the
canonization process of saints. This criteria also gives us hints that this
story does not necessarily have to be historically accurate. On page 56, Diaz
explains, “It cannot be emphasized enough that the only extant primary source
documents on the events in question were generated and circulated in a
concerted effort to canonize San Vitores in the seventeenth century, and again
in the last quarter of the twentieth century. Of equal importance, perhaps as a
function of that history, these documents exist only in the form of modern
copies located primarily in Church and Jesuit archives.” This point is
important because Diaz states that these primary sources are lost to the
margins in the Positio of San
Vitores, or the primary sources are un-traceable. This is problematic
especially when writers rely on “modern copies of primary sources.” Diaz gives
an example of how some primary source documents somehow got destroyed in a
fire, yet they had obtained a copy. The whole process of edifying the life of
this priest is suspect also because the Native testimony seemed to be
fabricated because all three eyewitnesses statements followed a formulaic
pattern basically saying the same thing. Why is this story immune to criticism
or contention? Diaz explicitly articulates how the story is embellished to
“work the native, ” yet it is a never-ending cycle as historians still
reproduce histories from secondary source material, or works that were provided
after the event. In the case of
Hawaiʻi, historians use sources such as Kuykendall or Gavan Dawes to write
histories, when we have histories written in Hawaiian by Hawaiians that
experienced the histories themselves. Why why why is the Native still worked
over!
The other topic that I find interesting was when he
describes the problematic use of the “invention of culture.” He uses Linnekin
and Keesing as an example of academics who have purposed that the Kānaka Maoli invented cultural norms to
facilitate political aims such as sovereignty. In response to this contested
idea between the indigenous vs. the non-indigenous, Diaz explains this
phenomenon as the “historical articulation of indigeneity.....One way to
illustrate a theory of Native articulation is to historicize the processes of
conversions to Christianity in terms of Native agencies whose investments in
Christianity tactically invert canonical narratives.”(pg.23) For example,
Diaz explains how Chamorro Catholicism is practiced through a uniquely
indigenous framework. What I have
learned here is that when researchers/ academics make a claim about inventing
culture they are making a claim about the authenticity of your culture because
they see it as a threat. Diaz helps illuminate the possibility that this hybrid
form of Chamorro Catholicism is really the native “pulling a fast one” on the
haole. So in canonizing San Vitores there is Native agency as well too. I mean
come on this religion has a lot of pagan qualities (such as giving divine
qualities to human beings) so perhaps it fell in well with their own Native
religion.
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